Global Divorce Rates 2025: A Comprehensive Analysis

Introduction and Key Metrics

Divorce has become increasingly common worldwide over the past few decades, though trends vary greatly by country and region. Globally, the crude divorce rate (annual divorces per 1,000 people) roughly doubled from the 1970s to the 2000s. For example, in the European Union the divorce rate rose from about 0.8 per 1,000 people in 1964 to 2.0 per 1,000 in 2023, even as marriage rates fell by 50% over the same period. However, divorce patterns are far from uniform – they reflect each nation’s social norms, legal framework, and demographic trends. Two key ways to measure divorce are:

• Crude Divorce Rate: the number of divorces per 1,000 people in a given year. This indicates the annual frequency of divorce in the population.
• Divorce-to-Marriage Ratio (Divorce Percentage): the number of divorces relative to the number of marriages, often expressed as a percentage (e.g. divorces per 100 marriages). This gives an approximate lifetime risk that a marriage will eventually end in divorce. For instance, a ratio of 50% suggests about half of marriages end in divorce.

É importante interpretar estas métricas no seu contexto. As taxas brutas podem ser afectadas pela parte da população que não é casada ou pela estrutura etária. A percentagem de divórcios é uma estimativa aproximada do risco de divórcio ao longo da vida; pressupõe que os padrões actuais de casamento e divórcio permanecem constantes, embora na realidade as taxas reais de divórcio ao longo da vida sejam calculadas seguindo as coortes de casamento ao longo do tempo. Ainda assim, estes indicadores em conjunto fornecem uma imagem útil da prevalência do divórcio.

Estatísticas de divórcios por país (dados mais recentes)

Os quadros seguintes apresentam as taxas de divórcio dos países com dados fiáveis disponíveis, incluindo o ano mais recente dos dados, a taxa bruta de divórcio, a taxa bruta de casamento e a percentagem estimada de casamentos que terminam em divórcio (rácio divórcio/casamento). Isto permite uma análise da prevalência do divórcio por país.

Europa

A Europa apresenta algumas das taxas de divórcio mais elevadas do mundo. Muitos países europeus e antigos países soviéticos registaram um aumento do número de divórcios no final do século XX e, atualmente, 40-90% dos casamentos acabam em divórcio. Em contrapartida, alguns países europeus que só recentemente legalizaram ou normalizaram o divórcio registam taxas muito mais baixas.

Europe: Spain stand out with an estimated 90% of marriages ending in divorce, among the highest in the world. By contrast, traditionally Catholic countries that only recently allowed divorce (e.g. Malta (2011), Ireland (1996)) still have very low divorce rates (under 0.8 per 1,000) and only about 12–15% of marriages ending in divorce. Major Western European nations fall in between: e.g. about 50% of marriages in França end in divorce, ~41% in the REINO UNIDO, and ~39% em Alemanha. The Nordic countries have around 45–50% of marriages ending in divorce (e.g. Sweden ~50%). Many Eastern European and post-Soviet states have high divorce prevalence: for example, Rússia (74%) and Ucrânia (71%). These countries saw divorce surges during and after the Soviet era. Meanwhile, a few Eastern European countries maintain lower rates (Romania ~22%, traditionally due to more conservative norms). Overall, Europe’s crude divorce rates mostly range from about 1 to 3 per 1,000, with a median around 1.5–2.5 per 1,000, but divorce-to-marriage percentages vary widely due to differing marriage rates. Part of the long-term increase in European divorces was driven by legal changes – divorce was legalized in Italy (1970), Spain (1981), Ireland (1996), and Malta (2011), contributing to rising divorce numbers in those countries over time.

América do Norte

A América do Norte também tem taxas de divórcio relativamente elevadas, embora as tendências recentes estejam a diminuir em algumas regiões.

North America: O Estados Unidos has long had one of the highest crude divorce rates among major countries (peaking near 5.0 in the early 1980s). In 2000 the U.S. rate was 4.0 per 1,000, but it has since fallen to 2.3 per 1,000 as of 2020. Today about 42–45% of U.S. marriages are estimated to end in divorce. Neighboring Canadá is similar with roughly 48% of marriages ending in divorce (as of ~2008). Within the Caribbean and Central America, Cuba has an exceptionally high divorce incidence – about 56% of marriages end in divorce, reflecting the historical ease of divorce there. In contrast, México’s crude divorce rate (~1.0) is quite low; due to strong family traditions, only an estimated 20–25% of Mexican marriages end in divorce (approximation based on recent data). Several Latin American countries historically had very low divorce rates (in some cases because divorce was banned or uncommon until recently). For instance, Chile only legalized divorce in 2004, and by 2009 still had a low rate (0.7 per 1,000, ~21% of marriages). Generally, divorce has been rising in Latin America in the 21st century, but cultural norms keep rates moderate – many countries in Central America (e.g. Guatemala, Honduras) report well under 1 divorce per 1,000 people, implying under 10% of marriages ending in legal divorce (though informal separations may be higher).

Ásia

Asia exhibits the widest range of divorce rates, reflecting diverse cultures and laws. Some East Asian and Eurasian countries have among the highest divorce prevalence, while South Asia has the lowest.

Asia: Vários East Asian countries have undergone rapid social change and now have high divorce rates. Coreia do Sul’s divorce rate rose dramatically in the 1990s–2000s and by 2019 about 47% of marriages were ending in divorce. China’s divorce rate similarly climbed in the 2000s to about 3.2 per 1,000 (44% of marriages) by 2018, reflecting urbanization and easing of divorce procedures – in fact, the number of Chinese divorces increased every year for 16 years up to 2019. (A new “cooling-off” law in 2021 caused a sudden drop in China’s divorce filings, but it’s debated whether this will be lasting or simply delay divorces.) Japão reached a peak divorce rate around 2002 and then declined; as of 2019 Japan’s rate is 1.7 per 1,000, with roughly 35% of marriages ending in divorce. In Southeast Asia, divorce rates tend to be moderate to low, partly due to religious and cultural norms. For example, Vietname reports only 0.4 divorces per 1,000 and ~7% of marriages ending in divorce. Indonésia also has a low crude divorce rate (~1.2) despite a high Muslim population (Islam permits divorce but it remains infrequent in practice). South Asia has the lowest divorce incidence in the world – India’s crude divorce rate is only about 0.1 per 1,000e only around 1% of Indian marriages end in legal divorce. This extremely low rate is attributed to strong social stigma against divorce, extended family pressures, and legal hurdles in India. Other South Asian and Middle Eastern countries also report very low divorce percentages (e.g. Sri Lanka ~0.15 per 1,000, a few percent of marriages). On the other hand, parts of the Middle East have superior divorce rates: for instance, Arábia Saudita e Cazaquistão (a Muslim-majority Central Asian country) both see 30–40% of marriages ending in divorce. In the Gulf states, divorce is relatively common – e.g. Kuwait was about 42% in 2010 – facilitated by permissive laws for men, though women face more barriers. Notably, Filipinas (and the Vatican) stand out as the only countries where divorce is entirely illegal, resulting in essentially 0% of marriages legally ending in divorce (annulments are possible but rare). Such legal prohibitions keep the recorded divorce rate at zero, even if separations still occur.

África

As estatísticas fiáveis sobre o divórcio em África são escassas, mas os dados disponíveis sugerem taxas de divórcio geralmente mais baixas, com algumas excepções. Muitos casamentos africanos são consuetudinários ou religiosos e podem dissolver-se fora do sistema jurídico formal, o que faz com que a contagem oficial de divórcios seja baixa.

Africa: In many African nations, the crude divorce rate is below 1 per 1,000, indicating relatively few formal divorces. For example, África do Sul – one of the better-documented cases – had only 0.6 divorces per 1,000 in 2009, corresponding to about 17% of marriages ending in divorce. Several factors contribute to low recorded rates: strong social/religious disapproval of divorce in parts of Africa, prevalence of informal separations or polygamous unions that may not end in court, and practical difficulties (especially for women) in obtaining divorces. In North Africa and the Middle East, where Islamic law influences marriage, divorce is legally allowed but often comes with conditions. Egito, for instance, has seen rising divorce numbers in recent years (2.4 per 1,000 in 2021) – one of the higher rates in Africa – as attitudes slowly change, though women must often relinquish financial rights to initiate divorce. Other African countries like Mauritius (17%) and Marrocos (~15–20%) have moderate divorce-to-marriage ratios. Generally, African societies value marital stability, and many divorces happen without official statistics (e.g. via community elders). It is worth noting that in parts of sub-Saharan Africa, union instability can be high (due to factors like socioeconomic stress or widowhood), but these do not always register as “divorce” in data. Where data exist, they often show a pattern: urban and educated populations have higher divorce rates than rural populations, reflecting greater autonomy for couples to separate.

Oceânia

Os padrões de divórcio na Oceânia são semelhantes aos dos países ocidentais.

Oceania: Austrália e Nova Zelândia have divorce rates comparable to Europe and North America. Roughly 40–45% of marriages in Australia and New Zealand are expected to end in divorce. For example, in New Zealand the crude divorce rate was 1.6 per 1,000 in 2022, and there were about 7.6 divorces per 1,000 existing married couples that year – implying a similar divorce risk of around 40%. Both countries saw a rise in divorces through the late 20th century, but rates have stabilized or declined slightly in recent years as marriage rates fall. In contrast, many smaller Pacific Island nations (Fiji, Samoa, etc.) have more conservative family structures and limited data, but anecdotal evidence suggests relatively low divorce incidence (often under 1 per 1,000).

Notas do quadro: Data reflect the latest available year (in parentheses). “% of marriages ending in divorce” is calculated as divorces ÷ marriages × 100 for that year (a high-level estimate of lifetime divorce risk). Actual lifetime divorce probabilities may differ slightly, especially in countries undergoing rapid change. Nevertheless, this percentage is a useful comparative indicator. We cite authoritative sources including the United Nations Demographic Yearbook and national statistical agencies for these figures. In general, global divorce rates range from below 0.5 per 1,000 (in a few low-divorce societies) to around 3–4 per 1,000 in the highest countries, while the share of marriages ending in divorce ranges from under 5% to over 90%, an astonishing range that reflects legal and cultural extremes.

Taxas de divórcio mais altas e mais baixas a nível mundial

Globally, the highest crude divorce rates (per 1,000 people) are observed in a mix of post-Soviet states, parts of Europe, and a few other regions. According to the latest UN data, the top annual divorce rates include:

• North Macedonia: 9.6 divorces per 1,000 people (2023) – a recent spike puts this small Balkan nation at the top. (This unusually high rate in 2023 may be due to a backlog of divorces processed post-pandemic or other anomalies.)
• Maldives: 5.5 per 1,000 (2020) – historically the Maldives had extremely high divorce rates (peaking at 10.97 per 1,000 in 2002, a Guinness World Record), attributed to cultural norms of multiple marriages. Even in recent years it leads the world with 5+ divorces per 1,000 people.
• Belarus, Georgia, Moldova: around 3.7–3.8 per 1,000 (2021–2022). Several former USSR republics top the list, reflecting high societal divorce acceptance and economic stresses in the post-Soviet era. For example, Belarus had 3.7 and Moldova 3.7 per 1,000.
• Latvia, Lithuania: ~2.5–2.9 per 1,000 (2022). The Baltic states have consistently high divorce rates, with Latvia currently highest in the EU at 2.8.
• United States: ~2.3 per 1,000 (2020) – while the U.S. used to be among the top, its rate has declined and now is moderate compared to Eastern Europe.

In terms of “lifetime” divorce risk (share of marriages ending in divorce), the leaders are slightly different, highlighting the influence of low marriage rates in some places. The highest divorce-percentage countries include:

• Spain: ~85% of marriages end in divorce. After legalizing divorce in 1981, Spain’s divorce rate skyrocketed, and with relatively few new marriages, the divorce ratio is extremely high in recent data.
• Russia: 73–74%; Ukraine: ~71%; Belarus: ~60–65% (est.). These Slavic countries have high marriage turnover – many marriages, but even more divorces relative to that number.
• Cuba: ~56%; France: ~51%; Sweden: 50%. Many Western countries cluster around the 50% mark, meaning roughly half of marriages eventually dissolve (the oft-quoted “half of all marriages end in divorce” is roughly true for the U.S., France, UK, etc.).

By contrast, the lowest divorce rates are found in societies with legal or cultural barriers to divorce. These include:

• India: Only about 1% of marriages end in divorce. The crude divorce rate in India (~0.1) is among the lowest recorded anywhere. Strong stigma and the expectation to endure marriage result in very few divorces.
• Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Vietnam: Only 5–7% of marriages end in divorce. These Asian countries have crude rates well below 0.5 per 1,000. In Sri Lanka, for instance, the rate is 0.15 and divorce often requires lengthy legal processes.
• Colombia and many African nations: Often 10–20% divorce likelihood. Many African and Latin American countries with strong Catholic or community influence (e.g. Guatemala, Congo, Nigeria) report very low divorce numbers.
• Philippines and Vatican City: 0% (no legal divorce). In the Philippines, marriages can only be ended via annulment or death. Unsurprisingly, the official divorce rate is effectively zero, and the country often appears at the bottom of global divorce rankings.

Figura: Mapa mundial da prevalência do divórcio ("probabilidades de se divorciar" por país). As cores mais quentes (vermelho) indicam taxas ou probabilidades de divórcio mais elevadas, enquanto as cores mais frias (verde) indicam taxas de divórcio mais baixas. O cinzento indica dados insuficientes. Este mapa mostra que o divórcio é mais comum na antiga URSS, em partes da Europa e na América do Norte, enquanto é menos comum no Sul da Ásia, em partes de África e em alguns países do Sudeste Asiático.

Como mostram o mapa e os dados, as taxas de divórcio variam drasticamente de região para região. Em geral, as regiões desenvolvidas e as regiões com normas sociais mais liberais (Europa, América do Norte, Oceânia) têm uma maior incidência de divórcios, enquanto as regiões em desenvolvimento com normas mais tradicionais ou restritivas (Sul da Ásia, Médio Oriente, África) têm taxas mais baixas. No entanto, existem excepções notáveis - por exemplo, os países mais ricos da Ásia Oriental (Japão, Coreia) têm taxas moderadas e algumas nações mais pobres (como as da antiga esfera soviética) têm taxas elevadas devido a factores históricos únicos. As atitudes culturais, a religião e as estruturas jurídicas influenciam fortemente estes resultados, como se verá de seguida.

Tendências históricas do divórcio nos principais países

Divorce rates in many countries have followed an inverted U-shape trajectory over the past 50+ years: rising sharply in the 1970s–1990s, then plateauing or declining in the 2000s. The timing and height of the peak vary by country, reflecting different social changes. Figure 1 below illustrates divorce rate trends for a selection of countries across continents, highlighting these diverse patterns.

Figure 1: Divorce rate trends (divorces per 1,000 people per year) for selected countries, 1960–2020. Many Western countries (e.g. Estados Unidos, Reino Unido, Noruega) saw divorce rates climb from the 1960s, peak around the 1970s–1980s, and then decline. Some East Asian and Eastern European countries (Coreia do Sul, Estonia, Polónia) peaked later (around the early 2000s) as divorce became more accepted. Others like Turquia show a steady rise into the 2010s from a low base. (Data source: OECD/UN, via Our World in Data.)

No Estados Unidos, the crude divorce rate rose from ~2.2 in 1960 to an all-time high of 5.3 per 1,000 in 1981, following the introduction of no-fault divorce laws and changing gender roles. Since then it has steadily fallen – by 2021 it was down to 2.5, the lowest in 50 years. This decline is partly attributed to younger generations marrying later and more selectively, resulting in more stable marriages. The U.S. divorce risk for first marriages has dropped somewhat (currently estimated around 40–45% overall). Similarly, Canadá e Austrália saw peaks in the 1980s and declines thereafter. For instance, Australia’s divorce rate spiked after no-fault divorce began in 1975, then stabilized; the percentage of marriages ending in divorce in Australia has actually ticked down from about 50% in the 1980s to ~41% today.

Em Western Europe, most countries saw divorce rates surge between 1970 and 1990. The REINO UNIDO peaked in the mid-1990s at ~3 divorces per 1,000 (following a 1990s reform easing divorces), and has since fallen to ~1.8. Scandinavian countries had among the earliest rises (e.g. Sweden hit ~2.5 per 1,000 by the 1980s and remains around 2.0–2.5). Southern Europe was delayed – countries like Italy, Spain, Portugal had very low divorce rates until divorce became legal (Spain 1981, Portugal 1975, Italy 1970). After legalization, those countries saw steep increases: Spain’s divorce rate jumped especially after a 2005 law eased procedures, contributing to its current high divorce ratios. Portugal’s divorces also climbed rapidly in the 1990s–2000s. Interestingly, some Western countries have recently seen declining divorce rates: e.g. Germany, the Netherlands, France have all experienced slight declines in crude divorce rates since the early 2000s. This is often attributed to fewer people marrying in the first place (so fewer can divorce), as well as possibly more cohabitation and higher age at marriage (which lowers divorce risk). The EU as a whole saw its divorce rate peak around 2006 at 2.1 and then a small decline to 1.8–2.0 by 2019.

Em Eastern Europe and the former USSR, the 1990s transition led to very high divorce rates. Rússia e Ucrânia peaked in the 1990s–2000s with crude rates around 4–5 per 1,000, reflecting the social turmoil and new freedoms of the post-Soviet era. Russia’s rate has since moderated to about 3.9 (as of 2020), but remains high relative to marriages. The Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) all saw divorce spikes in the late 1990s and have stayed high (Latvia’s rate of 2.8 in 2023 is one of the highest in Europe). Some Eastern European countries have recently declining divorce trends (e.g. Polónia peaked around 2006 and then fell slightly), likely due to cultural emphasis on family and fewer marriages among younger people (Poland still has one of Europe’s highest marriage rates).

Asia’s trends are diverse. Japan’s divorce rate rose gradually after World War II, hit ~2.1 in 2002, and then declined to ~1.6–1.7 by 2019 as the population aged and fewer young people married. Coreia do Sul had a later but sharper increase: its divorce rate tripled from 1.1 in 1990 to ~3.5 in 2003, then dropped to ~2.2 by 2010 and has leveled off. This pattern – a peak and then decline – in Korea and Japan is partly explained by generational shifts (the cohort married in the 1980s–90s had high divorce rates, but younger cohorts are marrying less and a bit more stable). China is notable for a steady rise in divorce throughout the 2000s: from a very low base in the 1980s, China’s crude divorce rate reached 3.2 by 2018. The Chinese government’s recent introduction of a 30-day waiting period in 2021 led to a reported 70% drop in registered divorces immediately after, but this may indicate delayed or unregistered separations rather than a true behavioral shift (some Chinese couples rushed to divorce antes de the law, spiking 2020 figures, then a drop in 2021). Over the long term, China’s trend reflects increased individualism and reduced stigma around divorce in urban areas. In Índia, by contrast, the divorce rate has remained consistently minuscule over time – there is no comparable “divorce boom,” and historical stigma has kept rates near zero (though urban India is seeing a slow uptick in divorces in recent years).

Many Middle Eastern e North African countries lack long-term data, but some (like Egito e Jordan) show rising divorce counts in the 2010s, likely due to gradual social changes and legal reforms. For example, Egypt’s divorce rate increased throughout the 2010s to a high in 2021 (at 2.4 per 1,000). Gulf countries such as the UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait reportedly had high divorce rates in the 1990s–2000s (with Qatar peaking around 2005 at ~2.2 per 1,000, and Kuwait even higher), followed by some stabilization. These trends often coincide with modernization and women’s education improving, leading to more willingness to end unhappy marriages.

Em África, historical data are limited. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that in some Southern African countries divorce became more common post-2000 (e.g. Botsuana e África do Sul saw increases in the 1990s, then slight declines). South Africa’s recorded divorces have slowly decreased since 2004, possibly due to fewer formal marriages and more cohabitation. In contrast, countries like Etiópia ou Nigéria still have very low formal divorce incidence historically, though separation rates might be higher.

Em resumo, os principais países desenvolvidos já ultrapassaram, na sua maioria, o pico da "revolução do divórcio" - as taxas de divórcio que aumentaram no final do século XX estabilizaram ou começaram a diminuir no século XXI. Os países em desenvolvimento encontram-se em fases diferentes: alguns (especialmente o Leste Asiático e partes da América Latina) registaram um aumento do número de divórcios na década de 2000 e estão agora a estabilizar, enquanto outros (Sul da Ásia e partes de África) ainda não registaram aumentos significativos devido a restrições culturais persistentes.

Padrões regionais e económicos

When comparing across continents and economic groups, clear patterns emerge in divorce prevalence:

• Europa e América do Norte: These high-income regions have moderate to high divorce rates. The average crude divorce rate across OECD high-income countries is about 1.8 per 1,000 in recent years. Within Europe, the EU’s average is ~2.0. Nearly all Western countries allow no-fault divorce and have minimal legal barriers, resulting in substantial divorce levels. However, within this group there is variation: Northern and Western Europe (and North America/Oceania) tend to have divorce percentages around 40–50%, whereas traditionally Catholic or Orthodox countries (Ireland, Poland, Italy) are lower, though rising. Economic development and urbanization tend to correlate with higher divorce rates, as women’s financial independence and social safety nets make leaving a marriage more feasible. Indeed, studies have found that countries with greater female education and labor force participation generally exhibit higher divorce rates. This is evident in, say, Scandinavia (high gender equality, relatively high divorce) versus less developed regions. At the same time, extremely high divorce incidence can also reflect social disruption – for example, Russia and its neighbors (upper-middle-income countries) outperform many richer nations in divorce rates due to socio-economic strains and weaker religious influence on policy.
• Asia: Asia defies generalization because it includes both some of the lowest e mais elevado divorce societies. Generally, East Asian and Central Asian countries (e.g. Korea, China, Kazakhstan) now have divorce rates comparable to Western nations. In contrast, South Asia (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan) remains extremely low-divorce due to cultural norms (patriarchal family systems, stigma, arranged marriage traditions). Southeast Asia falls in between: predominantly Muslim countries like Indonesia and Malaysia have low recorded divorces, although Islamic law allows men to divorce relatively easily (which may increase informal divorces). In these regions, family cohesion and social shame around divorce keep rates down. For instance, Vietname e Tailândia have low rates partly because extended family often mediates marital issues. Economic factors also play a role – poorer agrarian societies in Asia have lower divorce because the family is an economic unit and women may lack support outside marriage. However, as economies grow and women gain opportunities, divorce tends to rise (e.g. the rapid increase in divorce in urban China coincided with economic liberalization). Notably, countries with restrictive divorce laws (like Philippines until now) or lengthy separation requirements naturally show low rates.
• Middle East and North Africa: This region has moderate divorce rates with significant variability. Generally, Gulf Arab states (e.g. Kuwait, Qatar, UAE) and North African countries have reported crude rates around 1–2 per 1,000 – not as high as Europe, but higher than South Asia. Cultural norms strongly discourage women from initiating divorce, but men’s ability to repudiate wives (in Islamic law) can lead to higher male-initiated divorce rates. Gender inequality plays a role: ironically, some Middle Eastern countries with high gender inequality also have relatively high divorce rates (because men can divorce freely, while women endure the consequences). Conversely, very low divorce in places like Yemen or Syria may reflect both social pressure and the difficulty women face in obtaining a divorce. In recent years, modernization has slightly increased divorce in more liberal parts of the region (e.g. Tunisia, Iran, Turkey) as legal reforms make divorce easier and women become more educated. For example, Turkey’s divorce rate, though only 1.7 per 1,000, has been creeping upward as traditional family structures evolve.
• Latin America: Latin American countries historically had low divorce rates due to Catholic influence (many banned divorce until late 20th century). In the past few decades, divorce has become legal and more common throughout Latin America, but rates are still generally lower than in Europe/N.A. Most Latin countries have crude divorce rates around 1–2 per 1,000 (e.g. Brazil ~1.4; Colombia ~0.7; Costa Rica 2.6). Cuba is a notable outlier with one of the world’s highest divorce rates (over 2.5 per 1,000 and >50% of marriages divorcing), often attributed to the secular, socially liberal policies since the Cuban revolution. The Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico also have relatively high rates around 2.4–2.6 per 1,000. On the other hand, culturally conservative nations like Chile e Peru remain low (Chile’s rate only rose above 1.0 per 1,000 in the 2010s after divorce was legalized). Overall, as Latin America urbanizes and women’s rights improve, divorce is gradually rising, but family-centric culture keeps it below Western levels. Importantly, informal separations and consensual unions are common in Latin America, which may not reflect in divorce stats – many couples simply separate without legal divorce, or never formally marry to begin with, affecting the official numbers.
• Africa: Africa is the region with the least data, but traditional norms favor marital stability. Many African countries have dual marriage systems (civil and customary); divorces under customary law might not be counted officially. Where data exists (South Africa, Egypt, Mauritius, Kenya), crude rates range roughly 0.5 to 2.0. Generally, sub-Saharan Africa records low divorce rates. For example, Nigeria’s and Ethiopia’s reported rates are extremely low. One exception was Botsuana, which in the 1990s had an unusually high divorce rate for Africa (over 10% of marriages ending in divorce, possibly due to matrilineal social structure), but data are limited. In African societies, factors like bride price (dowry) and community mediation discourage divorce. However, polygamy and non-marital cohabitation can lead to relationship dissolution that isn’t captured as “divorce.” Notably, countries with higher female literacy and employment in Africa (e.g. South Africa, Mauritius) tend to have somewhat higher divorce rates than those where women have less autonomy. Still, even in South Africa, divorce rates are modest compared to Western countries. Economic stress can cut both ways: it sometimes breaks families apart, but it can also make marriage a necessary economic partnership that people are reluctant to leave.

De um economic classification perspective, high-income economies report higher divorce incidence on average than low-income economies. Developed countries not only have higher official divorce rates but also more liberal laws and social safety nets to support divorced individuals. In contrast, in low-income countries, marriage is often intertwined with family honor, women’s financial security, and social standing, which suppresses divorce. For instance, the top 10 countries with the lowest divorce rates all score poorly on the UN Gender Inequality Index (indicating more traditional, restrictive roles for women). This suggests that very low divorce rates can be a sign of limited female empowerment or legal hurdles, rather than marital bliss. Indeed, a comparison shows that many countries with the lowest divorce rates (e.g. Uzbekistan, Mongolia, Pakistan) rank low in gender equality, whereas among the highest-divorce countries, a number are relatively gender-equal (e.g. Sweden, Belgium) but some are not (Russia, Belarus). In short, greater personal freedoms and gender equality tend to increase divorce rates up to a point, but extremely high divorce rates can also stem from social instability or evolving norms in middle-income countries. High divorce societies span a range of economic levels, but what they share is a cultural acceptance of ending marriages. Conversely, the lowest-divorce societies often enforce strict legal/religious constraints or social penalties around divorce.

Contexto social, jurídico e cultural

O divórcio não ocorre num vácuo - é profundamente influenciado pelas normas, leis e atitudes de uma sociedade em relação ao casamento. Aqui examinamos como os factores sociais, legais e culturais determinam as diferenças nas taxas de divórcio:

• Cultural/Religious Norms: Perhaps the strongest determinant of divorce rates is the cultural attitude toward marriage permanence. In societies where marriage is seen as a sacred, indissoluble union (often underpinned by religion), divorce is rare. For example, in Índia and many Muslim-majority countries, there is considerable stigma attached to divorce. Families may pressure couples to stay together, even in unhappy or abusive situations, to avoid shame. In India, the concept of marriage is often “for life” and divorce can carry a social stigma so severe that only ~1% of marriages break up. Similarly, in predominantly Catholic countries historically (e.g. Philippines, Ireland, Poland), religious doctrine against divorce kept rates extremely low until legal changes occurred. By contrast, cultures that emphasize individual happiness and personal fulfillment tend to have higher divorce rates. In much of Europe and North America today, divorce, while regrettable, is socially accepted and fairly common. This acceptance has grown significantly since the 1960s due to secularization. For instance, the rising secularism in Western Europe corresponded with more divorces (e.g. Spain’s shift from a Catholic dictatorship to a secular democracy in the late 20th century allowed divorce to soar to 85% of marriages). Confucian-influenced East Asian countries (China, Korea, Japan) traditionally valued family cohesion and had low divorce, but as these societies modernized and became more individualistic, divorce lost some of its taboo – evidenced by South Korea’s spike in the early 2000s and China’s steady climb. It’s noteworthy that even within countries, divorce is more common in urban, secular populations than among religious or rural communities. For example, in the Estados Unidos, evangelical Christian communities often have slightly lower divorce rates than the national average due to religious discouragement of divorce, whereas more liberal communities have higher rates.
• Legal Access and Reforms: The ease or difficulty of obtaining a divorce is a critical factor. Where divorce is illegal or heavily restricted, rates are naturally extremely low. We saw that in the Philippines and Vatican City, where divorce is not permitted, official rates are zero. In countries that require a long separation period, specific grounds (fault-based divorce), or mutual consent, the divorce rate is generally lower than in those with quick, no-fault divorce. For instance, Malta initially required four years of separation when it legalized divorce in 2011, keeping rates low initially. Irlanda still has a required separation period (recently reduced from four years to two), which partly explains its low rate (~15%). By contrast, nations with no-fault, quick divorce processes tend to have higher rates. The introduction of no-fault divorce laws in places like the U.S. (1970s) and Australia (1975) led to immediate spikes in divorce filings as couples no longer needed to prove wrongdoing. Today, most Western countries allow divorce by mutual consent without cause, which normalizes higher divorce levels. Some countries are even simplifying procedures (e.g. Noruega e Suécia allow online filings after a brief waiting period). According to a comparative analysis, the countries with the simplest, least burdensome divorce procedures include Norway, Sweden, Spain, Mexico, Slovenia, Argentina, all of which have moderate-to-high divorce rates, as one would expect. Conversely, countries with very complex divorce laws – for example, Pakistan (where women must go to court and prove grounds, while men can repudiate unilaterally) or Egito (where women must forfeit financial rights for a no-fault “khula” divorce) – see fewer divorces or more male-dominated divorce filings. Legal reforms can immediately impact statistics: Chile saw essentially zero legal divorces until 2004; after legalization, pent-up demand caused thousands of divorces to register, boosting the rate. Brasil experienced an increase after it removed the required separation period in 2010. In China, the recent cooling-off period law appears to have temporarily suppressed divorce numbers by adding friction to the process. Thus, how divorce-friendly or divorce-averse the legal system is plays a huge role.
• Women’s Rights and Economic Independence: A consistent finding is that divorce rates rise as women gain socioeconomic power. When women have education, careers, and legal rights, they are less likely to tolerate unhappy or oppressive marriages. Historically, in societies where women couldn’t own property or support themselves, divorce was rare because it often plunged women into poverty or social exile. As those barriers lifted, divorces increased. For example, the surge of divorces in the Western world in the 1970s correlates with the women’s liberation movement and more women working (the EUA saw divorce peak just as large numbers of women entered the workforce and norms around marriage shifted). In East Asia, rising divorce in the 1990s–2000s paralleled greater female education and workforce participation in South Korea, China, Taiwan, etc. In the Middle East, data show countries with higher female literacy (e.g. Iran, Turkey) have higher divorce rates than those where women are less empowered (e.g. Yemen, which has very low divorce). There is a clear gender dimension: in many places, women initiate divorce more often than men when they are able to – for instance, roughly 70% of divorces in the U.S. are filed by women, a pattern seen in other developed countries, suggesting that as women become more independent, they are more willing to end unsatisfactory marriages. Meanwhile, in places where divorce is largely male-initiated (due to laws or norms), such as parts of the Arab world, divorce might carry different social meaning (sometimes high rates can indicate men frequently divorcing and remarrying). Overall, improved legal rights (like marital property laws, child support enforcement) and social support (like less stigma for divorced women) contribute to higher divorce rates by removing practical barriers.
• Economic Stress and Urbanization: Counterintuitively, both prosperity and poverty can influence divorce in different ways. Economic stability can facilitate divorce because partners are not forced to stay together for survival. At the same time, economic stress (unemployment, inflation) can strain marriages and lead to breakdown. In the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse, for example, economic turmoil likely contributed to marital instability – Russia’s divorce rate jumped during the 1990s economic crises. In Greece, divorces reportedly rose during the recent financial crisis. On the other hand, recessions can also temporarily lower divorce rates if couples delay costly legal proceedings or cannot afford to separate households. This was seen in the 2008 global recession where some countries noted slight dips in divorce. Urbanization tends to increase divorce: in cities, traditional family oversight is weaker, and people are exposed to more diverse lifestyles (and temptations). Cities also offer more anonymity and support networks for divorced individuals. For instance, China’s highest divorce rates are in big cities like Shanghai and Beijing, whereas rural villages have far fewer divorces.
• Changing Social Expectations: Modern marriages often have different expectations (emotional fulfillment, shared roles) compared to traditional utilitarian marriages. As expectations rise, some scholars argue, tolerance for an unsatisfying marriage falls, leading to more divorces. This has been cited in the U.S. context: the shift toward marriages based on love and self-fulfillment can lead to higher divorce if those needs aren’t met. Younger cohorts worldwide generally have more liberal attitudes toward divorce than their parents, which gradually normalizes divorce. A UN global overview noted that by the 2000s, twice as many people were divorced/separated by their late 30s compared to the 1970s – reflecting not just legal change but also social acceptance that one does not have to stay in a unhappy marriage. Additionally, decline of arranged marriages and increase in love marriages in regions like Asia can paradoxically increase divorce: when individuals choose partners based on love, they may also choose to leave if love fades, whereas arranged marriages came with stronger family pressures to persist.
• Effect of Cohabitation: In many Western countries, increased cohabitation (living together unmarried) has influenced divorce statistics. Cohabitation can serve as a “trial marriage” or an alternative to marriage. In some countries (e.g. Sweden, France), many couples cohabit and even have children without marrying. Some of these unions break up without ever entering divorce statistics. Cohabitation has contributed to the decline in marriage rates, which in turn can lower crude divorce rates (since fewer people marry to begin with). However, cohabitation can cut both ways: it may weed out weaker relationships before marriage (leading to more stable marriages), or it might reflect a shift where those who would have married and divorced simply cohabit and separate instead. Overall, the rise of cohabitation in Europe and the Americas is one reason divorce rates have plateaued or fallen recently – some break-ups just don’t count as “divorces.”
• Policy and Support Systems: Some governments actively implement policies that affect divorce. For example, mandatory counseling or mediation (as in Sweden and some U.S. states) might reduce impulsive divorces. Conversely, welfare policies that support single parents can make divorce more viable. Child custody and support laws also play a role: if the law ensures that children and the lesser-earning spouse will be provided for, spouses may feel freer to divorce. In countries lacking such support, parents (especially mothers) may stay in marriages for the children’s sake. The data show higher divorce where the state provides safety nets (e.g. Northern Europe’s generous welfare coincides with high divorce, as individuals don’t risk destitution by leaving a marriage). Some countries (notably Malaysia, Indonesia) have attempted to strengthen families by making divorce procedures more stringent or by community reconciliation programs, with mixed results. The COVID-19 pandemic is a recent example of policy and circumstance interacting: lockdowns initially caused a drop in divorces in 2020 globally (courts were closed and couples postponed breakups). But in some regions, a rebound in divorces occurred afterward, as pent-up demand was released (e.g. Latvia’s divorce rate jumped in 2021–22 after a dip in 2020).

Em resumo, societal context is crucial to understanding divorce rates. High divorce societies generally feature secular attitudes, accessible legal processes, greater gender equality, and an emphasis on individual choice. Low divorce societies often feature strong religious or clan controls, legal obstacles, and significant social or economic penalties for divorce (especially for women). It is not that people in low-divorce countries never experience marital breakdowns or conflicts, but rather that the pressures to remain married (or the lack of mechanisms to divorce) keep marriages intact on paper. Meanwhile, high-divorce countries often have support systems and social acceptance that make ending a marriage a viable route if the relationship is unsatisfactory. As one research summary put it, “In general, the greater the educational level of a country’s women, the higher that country’s divorce rate.” Social scientists also note that attitudes toward divorce both influence and are influenced by the divorce rate: as divorce becomes more common in a society, it further loses stigma, creating a feedback loop of normalization.

Conclusão e principais conclusões

Divorce rates around the world reflect a complex interplay of cultural values, legal frameworks, economic conditions, and social change. A few key findings from this comprehensive overview include:

• Global Trend: The latter half of the 20th century saw a global rise in divorce rates, especially in Western countries, but in the 21st century the trend has bifurcated. Many high-income countries have seen a stabilization or decrease in divorces since 2000, while some middle-income countries are still on the upswing. As of the 2020s, the world’s average crude divorce rate is roughly 1–2 per 1,000, but this average masks huge variation.
• Highest Rates: The nations with the highest divorce prevalence tend to be in Eastern Europe (ex-Soviet), parts of Western Europe, and some New World countries. Measured by share of marriages ending in divorce, Spain (~85%) lead, followed by countries like Russia (~74%), **Belgium (~70%)*, and Cuba (~56%). These are places with either very low marriage rates or very permissive divorce practices (or both). Measured by annual crude rate, the top spots include Maldivas, Kazakhstan/Belarus/Georgia (~3.5–3.8), and recently an outlier North Macedonia. Generally, a divorce rate above 3 per 1,000 is considered high in today’s context. High-divorce countries often have undergone rapid social liberalization or economic upheaval that loosened traditional family bonds.
• Lowest Rates: At the other extreme, South Asian and West African countries have the lowest divorce rates. India’s ~1% divorce incidence is emblematic of the strong marital permanence norm. Other countries with very low rates (under 0.5 per 1,000 or <10% of marriages) include Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Guatemala, Peru, and some African nations. In many of these places, divorces are socially and sometimes legally discouraged. Additionally, a couple of states maintain a legal ban on divorce (Philippines, Vatican), effectively keeping rates at zero.
• Regional Differences: Europa has a split between East (very high divorce in Baltics, Slavic countries) and West/North (high but slightly lower, with some declines) and South (moderate, rising from a low base). North America/Oceania are relatively homogeneous with moderate-high divorce common (40–50% of marriages). América Latina is generally moderate to low divorce, though rising post-legalization. Ásia ranges from high in East Asia to lowest in South Asia, with Southeast Asia moderate. África is largely low, except a few countries edging higher. These differences often align with each region’s predominant religion and cultural history as well as development level.
• Historical Shift: In major countries, divorce became much more prevalent in the late 20th century, but the “divorce boom” has slowed. For example, the U.S. and many European countries have seen divorce rates decline from their peaks as fewer people marry impulsively and as expectations around marriage quality evolve. Some experts suggest we may be seeing a stabilization where those who marry now do so more intentionally, potentially leading to more durable marriages (as seen in falling divorce rates for millennials in some data). At the same time, other parts of the world (e.g. parts of Asia, Middle East) are entering their period of rising divorces as modernization takes hold.
• Social Context: High divorce rates are not inherently “good” or “bad” – they can indicate greater personal freedom and gender equality (people can exit bad marriages), but they can also reflect social stresses or weakening of support networks. Low divorce rates can indicate stable families and strong commitment, but also possibly lack of options for those in untenable marriages. For example, very low divorce in a society might mask a lot of informal separations, or women enduring abuse due to lack of alternatives. Understanding divorce statistics thus requires looking beyond the numbers to the social fabric: e.g., high divorce in Sweden coexists with high levels of life satisfaction and gender equality, whereas low divorce in Afghanistan coexists with low female autonomy.
• Impact of COVID-19: A brief note – the COVID-19 pandemic initially caused a drop in divorces in 2020 (as courts closed and couples delayed decisions). Some countries (e.g. UK, parts of US) then saw a rebound in 2021–2022. The pandemic’s net effect is still being studied, but it likely delayed many divorces rather than preventing them. It also introduced new stresses (lockdown conflicts) that could increase divorces in the long run for some. For instance, anecdotal evidence from China and European countries shows a spike in divorce filings immediately after lockdowns lifted. Overall, the pandemic highlighted how external events can temporarily shift family dynamics, but core trends resume afterward.

In conclusion, global divorce rates are a mirror of societal change. Countries in the midst of rapid social transitions (economic development, shifts in gender roles, secularization) often see rising divorces, as established norms break down and individuals prioritize personal fulfillment. Conversely, in societies holding firmly to traditional structures – whether by choice or coercion – divorce remains rare. As the world continues to develop and cultural values evolve, it is likely that more countries will experience higher divorce rates, up to a point. Indeed, the United Nations notes that the proportion of adults who are divorced/separated worldwide has grown, doubling from the 1970s to the 2000s. Still, we may also see convergence: extremely high-divorce countries might stabilize (as marriage becomes less common or relationships strengthen with better matching), and extremely low-divorce countries may gradually increase as attitudes liberalize.

From a policy perspective, the data suggests a need for balancing marital stability with individual well-being. High divorce societies face challenges of supporting single-parent families and addressing the needs of children of divorce (who often face economic and emotional impacts). Low divorce societies, on the other hand, must consider the rights and welfare of individuals trapped in marriages due to social or legal pressure. Ultimately, the goal is not to push divorce rates up or down arbitrarily, but to ensure that marriage is entered into and exited from by free choice and that families and individuals have the support they need regardless of structure. The global picture of divorce is one of striking diversity – from nearly universal lifelong marriage in some cultures, to marriage being a coin flip proposition in others – underscoring how marriage, one of the most personal institutions, is profoundly shaped by the broader society around it.

Fontes: Data compiled from the United Nations Demographic Yearbook, World Bank and OECD family databases, national statistical agencies (e.g. Eurostat for EU nations, U.S. CDC/NCHS for America), and academic research on cross-national divorce determinants. Figures on marriage and divorce rates by country are from latest available official records as cited above, with Our World in Data providing historical trend visualizations. These sources collectively ensure a credible and up-to-date representation of global divorce patterns.